This excellent article by Malcolm Gladwell should be required reading for all members of the press, dog control, police, parliament and the misinformed public. Our thanks to Mr Gladwell for allowing us to reprint this article here.
Troublemakers: What pit bulls can teach us about profiling.
by the author of "Blink" and "The Tipping Point"
Pit
bulls, descendants of the bulldogs used in the nineteenth century for bull
baiting and dogfighting, have been bred for “gameness,” and thus a lowered
inhibition to aggression. Most dogs fight as a last resort, when staring and
growling fail. A pit bull is willing to fight with little or no provocation. Pit
bulls seem to have a high tolerance for pain, making it possible for them to
fight to the point of exhaustion. Whereas guard dogs like German shepherds
usually attempt to restrain those they perceive to be threats by biting and
holding, pit bulls try to inflict the maximum amount of damage on an opponent.
They bite, hold, shake, and tear. They don’t growl or assume an aggressive
facial expression as warning. They just attack. “They are often insensitive to
behaviors that usually stop aggression,” one scientific review of the breed
states. “For example, dogs not bred for fighting usually display defeat in
combat by rolling over and exposing a light underside. On several occasions, pit
bulls have been reported to disembowel dogs offering this signal of submission.”
In epidemiological studies of dog bites, the pit bull is overrepresented among
dogs known to have seriously injured or killed human beings, and, as a result,
pit bulls have been banned or restricted in several Western European countries,
China, and numerous cities and municipalities across North America. Pit bulls
are dangerous. Of
course, not all pit bulls are dangerous. Most don’t bite anyone. Meanwhile,
Dobermans and Great Danes and German shepherds and Rottweilers are frequent
biters as well, and the dog that recently mauled a Frenchwoman so badly that she
was given the world’s first face transplant was, of all things, a Labrador
retriever. When we say that pit bulls are dangerous, we are making a
generalization, just as insurance companies use generalizations when they charge
young men more for car insurance than the rest of us (even though many young men
are perfectly good drivers), and doctors use generalizations when they tell
overweight middle-aged men to get their cholesterol checked (even though many
overweight middle-aged men won’t experience heart trouble). Because we don’t
know which dog will bite someone or who will have a heart attack or which
drivers will get in an accident, we can make predictions only by generalizing.
As the legal scholar Frederick Schauer has observed, “painting with a broad
brush” is “an often inevitable and frequently desirable dimension of our
decision-making lives.” Another
word for generalization, though, is “stereotype,” and stereotypes are usually
not considered desirable dimensions of our decision-making lives. The process of
moving from the specific to the general is both necessary and perilous. A doctor
could, with some statistical support, generalize about men of a certain age and
weight. But what if generalizing from other traits—such as high blood pressure,
family history, and smoking—saved more lives? Behind each generalization is a
choice of what factors to leave in and what factors to leave out, and those
choices can prove surprisingly complicated. After the attack on Jayden Clairoux,
the Ontario government chose to make a generalization about pit bulls. But it
could also have chosen to generalize about powerful dogs, or about the kinds of
people who own powerful dogs, or about small children, or about back-yard
fences—or, indeed, about any number of other things to do with dogs and people
and places. How do we know when we’ve made the right generalization? In
July of last year, following the transit bombings in London, the New York City
Police Department announced that it would send officers into the subways to
conduct random searches of passengers’ bags. On the face of it, doing random
searches in the hunt for terrorists—as opposed to being guided by
generalizations—seems like a silly idea. As a columnist in New York wrote at the
time, “Not just ‘most’ but nearly every jihadi who has attacked a Western
European or American target is a young Arab or Pakistani man. In other words,
you can predict with a fair degree of certainty what an Al Qaeda terrorist looks
like. Just as we have always known what Mafiosi look like—even as we understand
that only an infinitesimal fraction of Italian-Americans are members of the
mob.” But
wait: do we really know what mafiosi look like? In “The Godfather,” where most
of us get our knowledge of the Mafia, the male members of the Corleone family
were played by Marlon Brando, who was of Irish and French ancestry, James Caan,
who is Jewish, and two Italian-Americans, Al Pacino and John Cazale. To go by
“The Godfather,” mafiosi look like white men of European descent, which, as
generalizations go, isn’t terribly helpful. Figuring out what an Islamic
terrorist looks like isn’t any easier. Muslims are not like the Amish: they
don’t come dressed in identifiable costumes. And they don’t look like basketball
players; they don’t come in predictable shapes and sizes. Islam is a religion
that spans the globe. “We
have a policy against racial profiling,” Raymond Kelly, New York City’s police
commissioner, told me. “I put it in here in March of the first year I was here.
It’s the wrong thing to do, and it’s also ineffective. If you look at the London
bombings, you have three British citizens of Pakistani descent. You have
Germaine Lindsay, who is Jamaican. You have the next crew, on July 21st, who are
East African. You have a Chechen woman in Moscow in early 2004 who blows herself
up in the subway station. So whom do you profile? Look at New York City. Forty
per cent of New Yorkers are born outside the country. Look at the diversity
here. Who am I supposed to profile?” Kelly
was pointing out what might be called profiling’s “category problem.”
Generalizations involve matching a category of people to a behavior or
trait—overweight middle-aged men to heart-attack risk, young men to bad driving.
But, for that process to work, you have to be able both to define and to
identify the category you are generalizing about. “You think that terrorists
aren’t aware of how easy it is to be characterized by ethnicity?” Kelly went on.
“Look at the 9/11 hijackers. They came here. They shaved. They went to topless
bars. They wanted to blend in. They wanted to look like they were part of the
American dream. These are not dumb people. Could a terrorist dress up as a
Hasidic Jew and walk into the subway, and not be profiled? Yes. I think
profiling is just nuts.” Pit-bull
bans involve a category problem, too, because pit bulls, as it happens, aren’t a
single breed. The name refers to dogs belonging to a number of related breeds,
such as the American Staffordshire terrier, the Staffordshire bull terrier, and
the American pit bull terrier—all of which share a square and muscular body, a
short snout, and a sleek, short-haired coat. Thus the Ontario ban prohibits not
only these three breeds but any “dog that has an appearance and physical
characteristics that are substantially similar” to theirs; the term of art is
“pit bull-type” dogs. But what does that mean? Is a cross between an American
pit bull terrier and a golden retriever a pit bull-type dog or a golden
retriever-type dog? If thinking about muscular terriers as pit bulls is a
generalization, then thinking about dangerous dogs as anything substantially
similar to a pit bull is a generalization about a generalization. “The way a lot
of these laws are written, pit bulls are whatever they say they are,” Lora
Brashears, a kennel manager in Pennsylvania, says. “And for most people it just
means big, nasty, scary dog that bites.” The
goal of pit-bull bans, obviously, isn’t to prohibit dogs that look like pit
bulls. The pit-bull appearance is a proxy for the pit-bull temperament—for some
trait that these dogs share. But “pit bullness” turns out to be elusive as well.
The supposedly troublesome characteristics of the pit-bull type—its gameness,
its determination, its insensitivity to pain—are chiefly directed toward other
dogs. Pit bulls were not bred to fight humans. On the contrary: a dog that went
after spectators, or its handler, or the trainer, or any of the other people
involved in making a dogfighting dog a good dogfighter was usually put down.
(The rule in the pit-bull world was “Man-eaters die.”) A
Georgia-based group called the American Temperament Test Society has put
twenty-five thousand dogs through a ten-part standardized drill designed to
assess a dog’s stability, shyness, aggressiveness, and friendliness in the
company of people. A handler takes a dog on a six-foot lead and judges its
reaction to stimuli such as gunshots, an umbrella opening, and a weirdly dressed
stranger approaching in a threatening way. Eighty-four per cent of the pit bulls
that have been given the test have passed, which ranks pit bulls ahead of
beagles, Airedales, bearded collies, and all but one variety of dachshund. “We
have tested somewhere around a thousand pit-bull-type dogs,” Carl Herkstroeter,
the president of the A.T.T.S., says. “I’ve tested half of them. And of the
number I’ve tested I have disqualified one pit bull because of aggressive
tendencies. They have done extremely well. They have a good temperament. They
are very good with children.” It can even be argued that the same traits that
make the pit bull so aggressive toward other dogs are what make it so nice to
humans. “There are a lot of pit bulls these days who are licensed therapy dogs,”
the writer Vicki Hearne points out. “Their stability and resoluteness make them
excellent for work with people who might not like a more bouncy, flibbertigibbet
sort of dog. When pit bulls set out to provide comfort, they are as resolute as
they are when they fight, but what they are resolute about is being gentle. And,
because they are fearless, they can be gentle with anybody.”
One
of the puzzling things about New York City is that, after the enormous and
well-publicized reductions in crime in the mid-nineteen-nineties, the crime rate
has continued to fall. In the past two years, for instance, murder in New York
has declined by almost ten per cent, rape by twelve per cent, and burglary by
more than eighteen per cent. Just in the last year, auto theft went down 11.8
per cent. On a list of two hundred and forty cities in the United States with a
population of a hundred thousand or more, New York City now ranks two
hundred-and-twenty-second in crime, down near the bottom with Fontana,
California, and Port St. Lucie, Florida. In the nineteen-nineties, the crime
decrease was attributed to big obvious changes in city life and government—the
decline of the drug trade, the gentrification of Brooklyn, the successful
implementation of “broken windows” policing. But all those big changes happened
a decade ago. Why is crime still falling? The
explanation may have to do with a shift in police tactics. The N.Y.P.D. has a
computerized map showing, in real time, precisely where serious crimes are being
reported, and at any moment the map typically shows a few dozen constantly
shifting high-crime hot spots, some as small as two or three blocks square. What
the N.Y.P.D. has done, under Commissioner Kelly, is to use the map to establish
“impact zones,” and to direct newly graduated officers—who used to be
distributed proportionally to precincts across the city—to these zones, in some
cases doubling the number of officers in the immediate neighborhood. “We took
two-thirds of our graduating class and linked them with experienced officers,
and focussed on those areas,” Kelly said. “Well, what has happened is that over
time we have averaged about a thirty-five-per-cent crime reduction in impact
zones.” For
years, experts have maintained that the incidence of violent crime is
“inelastic” relative to police presence—that people commit serious crimes
because of poverty and psychopathology and cultural dysfunction, along with
spontaneous motives and opportunities. The presence of a few extra officers down
the block, it was thought, wouldn’t make much difference. But the N.Y.P.D.
experience suggests otherwise. More police means that some crimes are prevented,
others are more easily solved, and still others are displaced—pushed out of the
troubled neighborhood—which Kelly says is a good thing, because it disrupts the
patterns and practices and social networks that serve as the basis for
lawbreaking. In other words, the relation between New York City (a category) and
criminality (a trait) is unstable, and this kind of instability is another way
in which our generalizations can be derailed. Why,
for instance, is it a useful rule of thumb that Kenyans are good distance
runners? It’s not just that it’s statistically supportable today. It’s that it
has been true for almost half a century, and that in Kenya the tradition of
distance running is sufficiently rooted that something cataclysmic would have to
happen to dislodge it. By contrast, the generalization that New York City is a
crime-ridden place was once true and now, manifestly, isn’t. People who moved to
sunny retirement communities like Port St. Lucie because they thought they were
much safer than New York are suddenly in the position of having made the wrong
bet. The
instability issue is a problem for profiling in law enforcement as well. The law
professor David Cole once tallied up some of the traits that Drug Enforcement
Administration agents have used over the years in making generalizations about
suspected smugglers. Here is a sample: Arrived
late at night; arrived early in the morning; arrived in afternoon; one of the
first to deplane; one of the last to deplane; deplaned in the middle; purchased
ticket at the airport; made reservation on short notice; bought coach ticket;
bought first-class ticket; used one-way ticket; used round-trip ticket; paid for
ticket with cash; paid for ticket with small denomination currency; paid for
ticket with large denomination currency; made local telephone calls after
deplaning; made long distance telephone call after deplaning; pretended to make
telephone call; traveled from New York to Los Angeles; traveled to Houston;
carried no luggage; carried brand-new luggage; carried a small bag; carried a
medium-sized bag; carried two bulky garment bags; carried two heavy suitcases;
carried four pieces of luggage; overly protective of luggage; disassociated self
from luggage; traveled alone; traveled with a companion; acted too nervous;
acted too calm; made eye contact with officer; avoided making eye contact with
officer; wore expensive clothing and jewelry; dressed casually; went to restroom
after deplaning; walked rapidly through airport; walked slowly through airport;
walked aimlessly through airport; left airport by taxi; left airport by
limousine; left airport by private car; left airport by hotel courtesy
van.
You’ll
find nothing here about race or gender or ethnicity, and nothing here about
expensive jewelry or deplaning at the middle or the end, or walking briskly or
walking aimlessly. Kelly removed all the unstable generalizations, forcing
customs officers to make generalizations about things that don’t change from one
day or one month to the next. Some percentage of smugglers will always be
nervous, will always get their story wrong, and will always be caught by the
dogs. That’s why those kinds of inferences are more reliable than the ones based
on whether smugglers are white or black, or carry one bag or two. After Kelly’s
reforms, the number of searches conducted by the Customs Service dropped by
about seventy-five per cent, but the number of successful seizures improved by
twenty-five per cent. The officers went from making fairly lousy decisions about
smugglers to making pretty good ones. “We made them more efficient and more
effective at what they were doing,” Kelly said. Does
the notion of a pit-bull menace rest on a stable or an unstable generalization?
The best data we have on breed dangerousness are fatal dog bites, which serve as
a useful indicator of just how much havoc certain kinds of dogs are causing.
Between the late nineteen-seventies and the late nineteen-nineties, more than
twenty-five breeds were involved in fatal attacks in the United States. Pit-bull
breeds led the pack, but the variability from year to year is considerable. For
instance, in the period from 1981 to 1982 fatalities were caused by five pit
bulls, three mixed breeds, two St. Bernards, two German-shepherd mixes, a
pure-bred German shepherd, a husky type, a Doberman, a Chow Chow, a Great Dane,
a wolf-dog hybrid, a husky mix, and a pit-bull mix—but no Rottweilers. In 1995
and 1996, the list included ten Rottweilers, four pit bulls, two German
shepherds, two huskies, two Chow Chows, two wolf-dog hybrids, two shepherd
mixes, a Rottweiler mix, a mixed breed, a Chow Chow mix, and a Great Dane. The
kinds of dogs that kill people change over time, because the popularity of
certain breeds changes over time. The one thing that doesn’t change is the total
number of the people killed by dogs. When we have more problems with pit bulls,
it’s not necessarily a sign that pit bulls are more dangerous than other dogs.
It could just be a sign that pit bulls have become more numerous. “I’ve
seen virtually every breed involved in fatalities, including Pomeranians and
everything else, except a beagle or a basset hound,” Randall Lockwood, a senior
vice-president of the A.S.P.C.A. and one of the country’s leading dogbite
experts, told me. “And there’s always one or two deaths attributable to
malamutes or huskies, although you never hear people clamoring for a ban on
those breeds. When I first started looking at fatal dog attacks, they largely
involved dogs like German shepherds and shepherd mixes and St. Bernards—which is
probably why Stephen King chose to make Cujo a St. Bernard, not a pit bull. I
haven’t seen a fatality involving a Doberman for decades, whereas in the
nineteen-seventies they were quite common. If you wanted a mean dog, back then,
you got a Doberman. I don’t think I even saw my first pit-bull case until the
middle to late nineteen-eighties, and I didn’t start seeing Rottweilers until
I’d already looked at a few hundred fatal dog attacks. Now those dogs make up
the preponderance of fatalities. The point is that it changes over time. It’s a
reflection of what the dog of choice is among people who want to own an
aggressive dog.” There
is no shortage of more stable generalizations about dangerous dogs, though. A
1991 study in Denver, for example, compared a hundred and seventy-eight dogs
with a history of biting people with a random sample of a hundred and
seventy-eight dogs with no history of biting. The breeds were scattered: German
shepherds, Akitas, and Chow Chows were among those most heavily represented.
(There were no pit bulls among the biting dogs in the study, because Denver
banned pit bulls in 1989.) But a number of other, more stable factors stand out.
The biters were 6.2 times as likely to be male than female, and 2.6 times as
likely to be intact than neutered. The Denver study also found that biters were
2.8 times as likely to be chained as unchained. “About twenty per cent of the
dogs involved in fatalities were chained at the time, and had a history of
long-term chaining,” Lockwood said. “Now, are they chained because they are
aggressive or aggressive because they are chained? It’s a bit of both. These are
animals that have not had an opportunity to become socialized to people. They
don’t necessarily even know that children are small human beings. They tend to
see them as prey.” In
many cases, vicious dogs are hungry or in need of medical attention. Often, the
dogs had a history of aggressive incidents, and, overwhelmingly, dog-bite
victims were children (particularly small boys) who were physically vulnerable
to attack and may also have unwittingly done things to provoke the dog, like
teasing it, or bothering it while it was eating. The strongest connection of
all, though, is between the trait of dog viciousness and certain kinds of dog
owners. In about a quarter of fatal dog-bite cases, the dog owners were
previously involved in illegal fighting. The dogs that bite people are, in many
cases, socially isolated because their owners are socially isolated, and they
are vicious because they have owners who want a vicious dog. The junk-yard
German shepherd—which looks as if it would rip your throat out—and the
German-shepherd guide dog are the same breed. But they are not the same dog,
because they have owners with different intentions.
Jayden
Clairoux was attacked by Jada, a pit-bull terrier, and her two
pit-bull–bullmastiff puppies, Agua and Akasha. The dogs were owned by a
twenty-one-year-old man named Shridev Café, who worked in construction and did
odd jobs. Five weeks before the Clairoux attack, Café’s three dogs got loose and
attacked a sixteen-year-old boy and his four-year-old half brother while they
were ice skating. The boys beat back the animals with a snow shovel and escaped
into a neighbor’s house. Café was fined, and he moved the dogs to his
seventeen-year-old girlfriend’s house. This was not the first time that he ran
into trouble last year; a few months later, he was charged with domestic
assault, and, in another incident, involving a street brawl, with aggravated
assault. “Shridev has personal issues,” Cheryl Smith, a canine-behavior
specialist who consulted on the case, says. “He’s certainly not a very mature
person.” Agua and Akasha were now about seven months old. The court order in the
wake of the first attack required that they be muzzled when they were outside
the home and kept in an enclosed yard. But Café did not muzzle them, because, he
said later, he couldn’t afford muzzles, and apparently no one from the city ever
came by to force him to comply. A few times, he talked about taking his dogs to
obedience classes, but never did. The subject of neutering them also came
up—particularly Agua, the male—but neutering cost a hundred dollars, which he
evidently thought was too much money, and when the city temporarily confiscated
his animals after the first attack it did not neuter them, either, because
Ottawa does not have a policy of preëmptively neutering dogs that bite
people. On
the day of the second attack, according to some accounts, a visitor came by the
house of Café’s girlfriend, and the dogs got wound up. They were put outside,
where the snowbanks were high enough so that the back-yard fence could be
readily jumped. Jayden Clairoux stopped and stared at the dogs, saying,
“Puppies, puppies.” His mother called out to his father. His father came
running, which is the kind of thing that will rile up an aggressive dog. The
dogs jumped the fence, and Agua took Jayden’s head in his mouth and started to
shake. It was a textbook dog-biting case: unneutered, ill-trained, charged-up
dogs, with a history of aggression and an irresponsible owner, somehow get
loose, and set upon a small child. The dogs had already passed through the
animal bureaucracy of Ottawa, and the city could easily have prevented the
second attack with the right kind of generalization—a generalization based not
on breed but on the known and meaningful connection between dangerous dogs and
negligent owners. But that would have required someone to track down Shridev
Café, and check to see whether he had bought muzzles, and someone to send the
dogs to be neutered after the first attack, and an animal-control law that
insured that those whose dogs attack small children forfeit their right to have
a dog. It would have required, that is, a more exacting set of generalizations
to be more exactingly applied. It’s always easier just to ban the
breed. Visit
Malcolm's
blog for more info on this article and more... Original
article appeared in The
New Yorker
Some
of these reasons for suspicion are plainly absurd, suggesting that there’s no
particular rationale to the generalizations used by D.E.A. agents in stopping
suspected drug smugglers. A way of making sense of the list, though, is to think
of it as a catalogue of unstable traits. Smugglers may once have tended to buy
one-way tickets in cash and carry two bulky suitcases. But they don’t have to.
They can easily switch to round-trip tickets bought with a credit card, or a
single carry-on bag, without losing their capacity to smuggle. There’s a second
kind of instability here as well. Maybe the reason some of them switched from
one-way tickets and two bulky suitcases was that law enforcement got wise to
those habits, so the smugglers did the equivalent of what the jihadis seemed to
have done in London, when they switched to East Africans because the scrutiny of
young Arab and Pakistani men grew too intense. It doesn’t work to generalize
about a relationship between a category and a trait when that relationship isn’t
stable—or when the act of generalizing may itself change the basis of the
generalization.